{"id":1774,"date":"2014-10-17T08:40:56","date_gmt":"2014-10-17T08:40:56","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/?p=1774"},"modified":"2014-11-06T18:57:57","modified_gmt":"2014-11-06T18:57:57","slug":"carlo-alberto-viterbo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/carlo-alberto-viterbo\/","title":{"rendered":"Carlo Alberto Viterbo"},"content":{"rendered":"
Carlo Alberto Viterbo: A Neglected Figure of Italian Judaism<\/h5>\n
\nElizabeth Sch\u00e4chter<\/a>\r\n\t \t\t
\n

Reprinted by permission: The Italianist, Volume 33, Issue 3 (October 2013), pp. 505-521<\/em><\/p>\n

Dr Elizabeth Sch\u00e4chter is Honorary Senior Research Fellow in Comparative Literature and Italian in the School of European Culture and Languages at the University of Kent, UK. She has published widely on Italian literature of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in particular several seminal studies of the writer Italo Svevo including Origin and Identity: Essays on Svevo and Trieste<\/em> (2000). More recently her research has focused on Italian Jewry, resulting in the monograph The Jews of Italy, 1848-1915: Between Tradition and Transformation<\/em> (2011).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

Carlo Alberto Viterbo (1889-1974) made wide-ranging contributions over many years to the development and dissemination of Jewish heritage in Italy, and yet, apart from occasional mentions in articles and books, there has been no detailed study of his achievements.[1]<\/a> To many of his contemporaries, he was considered one of the most important representatives of Italian Judaism.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

The various facets of his life reflect the transformation of Italian Jewry from the late nineteenth to the twentieth century. Viterbo was born in Florence to a wealthy, assimilated family for whom Judaism was a painful reminder of a recent past of discrimination and humiliation which must never return.[3]<\/a> He was, in essence, \u2018un figlio dell\u2019assimilazione\u2019,[4]<\/a> a path taken by the majority of Italian Jews in the post-emancipation period.<\/p>\n

The turning point for him came in 1906\/07 during his last year at school at the Liceo Michelangelo when Alfonso Pacifici (1889-1981), from a similar background, shared his own discovery of his Jewish identity; Pacifici was to become one of the leading figures of Italian Judaism in the first decades of the twentieth century. Viterbo describes this as \u2018l\u2019evento pi\u00f9 importante e non solo di questo periodo, ma per certo di tutta la mia vita: l\u2019inizio del riacquisto di una coscienza di Ebreo \u2026 fu come una scintilla \u2026 che accese grandi luci\u2019.[5]<\/a> Viterbo\u2019s brother Dario (1890-1961) who was only a year younger and to whom Viterbo was very close, was not affected by this encounter: throughout his life he remained detached from any religious observance or Zionist activity.[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

Viterbo\u2019s friendship with Pacifici continued at the University of Pisa where he studied law and was immeasurably enriched when Pacifici introduced him to the charismatic and influential chief rabbi of Florence, Samuel Hirsch Margulies (1858-1922), \u2018da tutti riconosciuto come se fosse il vero capo degli ebrei d\u2019Italia\u2019.[7]<\/a> In Viterbo\u2019s words \u2018sono state le lezioni del Maestro \u2026 \u00e8 stata la paterna benevolenza con la quale egli mi ha accolto, seguito e guidato \u2026 per oltre un decennio fino alla sua scomparsa, che hanno completato \u2026 il mio \u201critorno\u201d \u2019.[8]<\/a> Viterbo became one of Margulies\u2019 devoted disciples and participated in the cultural activities of Florence: the Pro Cultura Ebraica, the youth conferences and the journal, La Settimana Israelitica<\/em> (1910-15). His editorship, together with Pacifici, Quinto Sinigaglia and David Prato, of this weekly journal was for him \u2018il passo pi\u00f9 ebraicamente compromettente\u2019.[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

He played a crucial part in what can be described as \u2018a Jewish Renaissance\u2019 in Florence whose impact resonated throughout Italy in the decades before the First World War: \u2018gli ideali morali e sionistici insegnati dal Rabbino Margulies sono la base dell\u2019operato di molte persone divenute poi simboli dell\u2019ebraismo italiano come Alfonso Pacifici, Carlo Alberto Viterbo, Enzo Bonaventura\u2019.[10]<\/a> In June 1918, while still serving in the army as a cavalry officer,[11]<\/a> Viterbo married Nella Uzielli (1892-1973) from a prominent Sephardic family who settled in Tuscany at the beginning of the nineteenth century. His only child, Giuseppe, was born on 9 August 1927.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

It was through Margulies and his circle that Viterbo studied Hebrew \u2013 he subsequently published a volume entitled Una via verso l\u2019ebraico<\/em> and taught Hebrew at various times[13]<\/a> – explored his Jewish patrimony and became a committed Zionist. A significant episode in his life, which gave him immense pride, was the \u2018revolutionary\u2019 election of December 1919 when eleven young Zionists, Viterbo and Pacifici among them, gained control of the administrative council of the Jewish community of Florence.<\/p>\n

A royal decree was needed to oust them in May 1920.[14]<\/a> They effected many salient changes in that short period, including altering the name of the community from \u2018comunit\u00e0 israelitica\u2019 to the more ethnically assertive \u2018Comune ebraico\u2019; opening meetings to the public; displaying the Jewish flag as a powerful visual symbol of their Zionist intentions; and publishing a bi-monthly supplement to Israel<\/em>, entitled Il comune ebraico. Organo della comunit\u00e0 israelitica di Firenze e delle forze di rinnovamento della vita ebraica<\/em>, which they sent to other communities. They also planned to extend voting rights to make the organization more democratic; to improve the legal and financial status of the community\u2019s employees, and to assign a more elevated role to the rabbi who, as custodian of Jewish law, would have the right to veto the Council\u2019s deliberations.<\/p>\n

They thus responded to Herzl\u2019s call that he had made during the second Zionist congress, to \u2018conquer the communities\u2019 in order to further the Zionist cause.[15]<\/a> In 1921, Viterbo was for a brief time president of the Federazione Sionistica Italiana (FSI): \u2018assume la guida della Federazione, in cui doveva da allora aver parte preminente\u2019;[16]<\/a> and was a delegate at the international Zionist Congress in Karlsbad in 1921. When Chaim Weizmann, president of the World Zionist Organization and future first president of Israel, visited Florence in April 1922, the memory of his encounter with the small group of Zionists there made a deep impression on him, which he later recorded in his autobiography:<\/p>\n[among them was] a young and ardent prophet of Zionism, Arnoldo [sic<\/em>] Pacifici; and when they formed their society they went the whole way: they spoke Hebrew; they began to prepare themselves for life in Palestine; many of them \u2013 including Pacifici himself \u2013 became strictly orthodox; they edited one of the best Zionist papers of the day \u2013 Israel<\/em>. Numerically insignificant, they were by the depth of their conviction and their absolute sincerity a great moral force. And though at first the community at large was inclined to resent them, they were so tactful, and at the same time so transparently honest in their faith, that even convinced anti-Zionists came to look upon them as something in the nature of \u2018apostles\u2019 of the Jewish revival, and to respect, if they could not understand them \u2026 The Italian Jewish community seemed to be a community of sujets d\u2019\u00e9lite<\/em>. And the \u00e9lite<\/em> of that community, accustomed to enjoy in Italy every material and social advantage a man can ask, were turning their eyes to Palestine. I could not explain it. I could only thank God.[17]<\/a><\/p>\n

Florence in the 1920s and 1930s continued to be the \u2018capital\u2019 of Italian Judaism and Zionism: the director of the Rabbinical College was Elia Samuele Artom, one of Margulies\u2019 former students; it was the centre of the FSI and Keren Hayesod<\/em> (The Jewish National Fund, established at the 1920 international Zionist Congress in London); the publishing hub of the foremost Jewish journals, Israel<\/em> (1916-1938; 1944-1974); La Rassegna Mensile di Israel <\/em>(1925-); Israel dei ragazzi<\/em> (1919), and of the new publishing venture the Casa editrice Israel (1921) established by Dante Lattes,[18] <\/a>Pacifici and Viterbo, which was an important conduit not only for the dissemination of works by Italian Jewish writers such as Lattes, but also for Italian translations of prominent foreign Jewish authors; the initial list of planned publications appeared in Israel<\/em> in April 1921. Viterbo was also among the founders of the Convegni di Studi Ebraici (1921-1938), Zionist in orientation, which promoted the study of all aspects of Jewish culture with a particular emphasis on the study of language and on religious observance; Attilio Milano refers to \u2018l\u2019et\u00e0 d\u2019oro dei Convegni\u2019.[19]<\/a><\/p>\n

Another project to attract young Jews, organized by Pacifici between 1931 and 1938, were regular camping holidays in summer and winter, where a collective Jewish life could be experienced \u2018per uscire fuori dalla monotonia e dal grigiore burocratico cui si era abbassata la vita quotidiana nell\u2019epoca fascista\u2019.[20]<\/a> The last Jewish Youth Conference \u2013 the first three were held before the First World War \u2013 took place in Livorno in 1924; Viterbo recalls: \u2018fui tra i promotori, tra i presenti e tra i molti che trassero insegnamenti e incitamenti da quella memorabile riunione\u2019.[21]<\/a> Viterbo was also involved in a conference held in Florence in April 1925 to debate the problems of the thousand or so foreign Jewish students resident in Italy, \u2018venuti da terre inospitali\u2019.[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

A year before, the Federazione Associazioni Economiche Studenti Stranieri Ebrei had been established in the Tuscan capital with \u2018filiali\u2019 in other Italian cities; the focus of the conference was to report on the activities of the Federation. Viterbo was asked to speak about \u2018Gli studenti e l\u2019ebraismo italiano\u2019, in which he analysed the cultural differences between Italian and foreign Jews; the latter had hoped to find \u2018una vita completamente sionista\u2019, whereas in Italy Jewish life was centred on the family which made it difficult for outsiders to enter. To much applause, he addressed the participants with a few words of Hebrew: \u2018quando noi parliamo in ebraico, ci sentiamo pi\u00f9 vicini, pi\u00f9 fratelli\u2019.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

The impetus for all these initiatives in Florence came above all from \u2018gli sforzi \u2026 di figure di assoluto rilievo quali Alfonso Pacifici, Carlo Alberto Viterbo, Elia Samuele Artom.[24]<\/a> Viterbo\u2019s influence was also significant on a national level: as vice-president of the FSI and then as president, from 1931 until 1933. In a letter to Weizmann informing him of his election, written in French, Viterbo expressed his devotion and affection for \u2018le chef \u2026 vous serez pour nous un exemple et un guide\u2019; in his reply, Weizmann, offering \u2018heartiest congratulations\u2019, wrote that \u2018it is a source of great satisfaction both to me and to all of us to see you at the head of Zionist affairs in Italy\u2019 and adds \u2018most grateful am I for the expression of your sentiments towards me, which are, believe me, very encouraging in these difficult times\u2019.<\/p>\n

He concludes with the wish that Viterbo\u2019s period in office \u2018be crowned with good results for the work in Italy, and in the general movement\u2019.[25]<\/a> In Giorgio Romano\u2019s opinion, during this period, the FSI was more structured; Italian delegates were regularly sent to the international Zionist congresses and Italian donations to Jewish funds were considerable when in the past zero contributions had been made.[26]<\/a> In 1928, Viterbo became president of the Italian branch of Keren Hayesod<\/em>; he was among the first subscribers to the fund in Italy.[27]<\/a> In 1932 two Zionists were elected on to the Florence Council; Viterbo was one of them, and in 1933 he was elected as a member of the Council of the Unione delle Comunit\u00e0 Israelitiche Italiane (UCII).[28]<\/a> In these official roles, Viterbo cut a distinguished figure: although small of stature, he was always well dressed and refined of manner; Augusto Segre compares him to the biblical Aron \u2018famoso \u2026 nella tradizione ebraica, perch\u00e9 amava e ricercava la pace per tutti i suoi fratelli\u2019.[29]<\/a><\/p>\n

As an anti-fascist[30]<\/a> and Zionist, Viterbo was at the forefront of the bitter divisions within Italian Jewry, in particular the confrontations with the fascist Jews of Turin and their journal La nostra bandiera<\/em>. It is well documented that Jews joined the fascist party and it is also acknowledged that many Jewish leaders were fascist and continued to be so after the promulgation of the 1938 Racial Laws, imposing on others their own ideology which Michele Sarfatti describes as \u2018il processo di fascistizzazione \u2026 [del] la parte ebraica della popolazione italiana\u2019.[31]<\/a><\/p>\n

What is less well known is the antipathy that developed between fascist and anti-fascist Jews, threatening to split the Jewish community in Italy at a time when they faced serious external danger. The catalyst for such hostilities occurred on 31 March 1934 with the arrest in Turin of sixteen members of the clandestine anti-fascist movement \u2018Giustizia e Libert\u00e0\u2019, eleven of whom were Jews. This prompted a violent anti-semitic and anti-Zionist national press campaign and an immediate response from a group of fascist Jews also from Turin, led by Ettore Ovazza, who formed themselves into \u2018a brand of militant Jewish fascism\u2019.[32]<\/a><\/p>\n

On 1 May 1934, they published the first issue of their journal La nostra bandiera.<\/em> Settimanale degli italiani di religione ebraica<\/em> (1934-1938) in which they proudly stated: \u2018siamo dei soldati, siamo dei fascisti: ci sentiamo eguali a tutti gli altri cittadini, specialmente nei doveri verso la Patria\u2019, for which they were ready to fight and die. They were vehemently against political Zionism \u2013 Palestine as a Jewish nation was an historical anachronism \u2018che deve essere combattuto \u2026 Non \u00e8 ammissibile che nel nostro paese vi siano dei cittadini che possano pensare con nostalgia ad una terra che non sia suolo italiano \u2026 CHI E\u2019 SIONISTA NON E\u2019 ITALIANO\u2019 [sic<\/em>].[33]<\/a><\/p>\n

The \u2018Bandieristi\u2019 as they were called attracted many prominent followers; their own members stood as candidates for council elections; their journal had a weekly circulation of 2,800 in the first few months; several rabbis contributed articles to it.[34]<\/a> This growing support for such militant fascism provoked \u2018una crisi gravissima e senza precedenti per l\u2019ebraismo italiano\u2019.[35]<\/a> The chief rabbi of Rome, Angelo Sacerdoti, attempted to seek a compromise: in return for membership of the UCII Council, the editors agreed to transform La nostra bandiera<\/em> into a cultural monthly.<\/p>\n

Thus on 9 January 1935, three \u2018Bandieristi\u2019, Dario Nunes Franco (recently elected president of the Livorno community), General Guido Liuzzi (recently elected president of the Turin community) and Ettore Ovazza (editor of La nostra bandiera<\/em>) were duly co-opted.[36]<\/a> In a statement to the meeting, Ovazza reiterated their fascist, anti-Zionist stance and it was Viterbo who spoke for the Zionist cause and the right of Jews to love Israel: \u2018il nostro sionismo \u00e8 un\u2019appendice della nostra ebraicit\u00e0 \u2026 \u00e8 errato \u2026 negare l\u2019italianit\u00e0 dei sionisti \u2026 ma noi sionisti amiamo anche Israele. Il sionismo lo intendiamo non soltanto filantropico, ma anche fatto per noi stessi, perch\u00e9 dalla rinascita d\u2019Israele rifluisce una vivificazione della lingua, della cultura, delle nostre pi\u00f9 nobili tradizioni\u2019.[37]<\/a> In a letter written two days later to the secretary of the Florence Jewish community, Viterbo articulated his fears not only for Italian Zionists: \u2018l\u2019attacco \u00e8 diretto alla compagine ebraica, alle dipendenze delle Comunit\u00e0, alla libert\u00e0 di riunione e di studio. Dobbiamo difendere tutto questo!\u2019[38]<\/a> With such divergent views on the very concept of Jewish identity, debate was problematic and even practical matters proved intractable such as the collection of funds for German Jewish refugees: the \u2018Bandieristi\u2019 rejected the involvement of Zionist organizations.[39]<\/a><\/p>\n

The compromise did not hold: on 2 May 1935, Ovazza, Liuzzi and Nunes Franco resigned from the UCII and some months later resumed their political attacks in La nostra bandiera<\/em>. Sacerdoti died suddenly in February 1935 at the age of 49; in his diary, Viterbo expressed regret for his untimely death, but also noted: \u2018in verit\u00e0 in questi ultimi tempi alcuni atti del Rabb. Sacerdoti non mi erano troppo piaciuti. Accenno alla sua azione presso il governo esponendo a \u201cprovvedimenti\u201d i Gruppi Sionisti ad una soverchia valutazione del cosiddetto gruppo Torinese e alla immisione di esso nel Consiglio dell\u2019Unione\u2019.[40]<\/a><\/p>\n

In other words he felt that Sacerdoti\u2019s actions had exposed the Zionist groups to danger and that he had overvalued the \u2018Bandieristi\u2019 in his relations with the fascist government. Augusto Segre concurs with this view: \u2018per opera loro, diretta o indiretta, fummo in varie forme perseguitati, sottoposti a duri interrogatori e molte volte arrestati.\u2019 He was convinced that one of the occasions he was subjected to prolonged questioning by fascist police was as a result of a \u2018denuncia\u2019 by a prominent member of the Bandiera movement.[41]<\/a> In January 1937, in a further attempt to undermine the UCII and gain government approbation, the \u2018Bandieristi\u2019 formed a secessionist \u2018Comitato degli italiani di religione ebraica\u2019 which was resolutely anti-Zionist and ultra-fascist; it attained wide-spread support. As a consequence, in April, the Council of the UCII, weakened by the death of their long-standing president, Felice Ravenna, a month before, resigned en<\/em> masse<\/em>.<\/p>\n

However, the government instructed them to remain in office.[42]<\/a> Throughout this period, Israel<\/em> was the only Jewish journal, led by its editors, Dante Lattes and Alfonso Pacifici, to withstand the growing onslaught of anti-semitic attacks in the national press, defending the Jewish and Zionist cause.[43]<\/a> The Zionist periodical became the target of the last act of perverted loyalty to the fascist regime perpetrated by the Bandieristi: on 15 November 1938, a group of five fascist Florentine Jews \u2013 one of them may have been a councillor of that community – burnt down its printing press and offices.[44]<\/a> They thus extinguished \u2018l\u2019ultima voce dell\u2019ebraismo italiano\u2019.[45]<\/a> The fascist allegiance of Ettore Ovazza and his followers was only shattered by the series of racial laws in November 1938 and January 1939 when all Jews, even the discriminati<\/em>, were stripped of their rights and reduced to the status of second-class citizens.[46]<\/a><\/p>\n

A postscript to these years of internal divisions within Italian Jewry: Viterbo wrote a lengthy article in Israel <\/em>to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of Sacerdoti\u2019s death and he comments critically on the rabbi\u2019s relationship with the fascist government \u2018fino al punto di tollerare di collaborare, fuori e dentro la Comunit\u00e0 ebraica, con fascisti e filofascisti\u2019. In his opinion, Sacerdoti should have been more cautious and \u2018un po\u2019 meno caloroso\u2019; less acquiescent; he should not have facilitated the entry of the fascist, anti-Zionist \u2018Bandieristi\u2019 into the UCII (in 1935): \u2018il Consiglio dell\u2019Unione non avrebbe dovuto essere \u201ccontaminato\u201d dalla presenza di tal genere di oppositori\u2019.[47]<\/a> This article provoked an angry response from Liuzzi\u2019s son (Liuzzi died in 1942), deeply offended by such words as \u2018contaminated\u2019 with reference to his father. In his reply, Viterbo assured Giorgio Liuzzi that he had no wish to give offence, but it was important to relate events with historical accuracy and to document the activities of those who \u2018come italiani hanno, purtroppo, mal servito l\u2019Italia e come Ebrei hanno, purtroppo, mal difeso i loro fratelli, l\u2019Ebraismo e, in definitiva, se stessi\u2019.[48]<\/a><\/p>\n

In addition to his other roles, Viterbo worked tirelessly to help Jewish refugees fleeing from Nazi oppression: \u2018fu tra i primissimi a sentire questo problema come un dovere primario \u2026 organizzando anche a Roma il \u201cComitato Profughi dalla Germania\u201d, poi il \u201cComasebit\u201d e, infine la \u201cDelasem\u201d \u2019.[49]<\/a> The Delegazione per l\u2019assistenza agli emigranti (Delasem, 1939-1947) which assisted thousands of Jews was established by the new president of the Unione delle Comunit\u00e0 Israelitiche Italiane (UCII), Dante Almansi, with its headquarters in Genoa and offices throughout Italy; the one in Rome was run by Settimio Sorani \u2018[che] lavorava in perfetta intesa con Viterbo per tutte le pratiche con gli uffici ministeriali, i comandi e le ambasciate\u2019.[50]<\/a><\/p>\n

In this context, Amos Luzzatto alludes to the courage, leadership and international contacts of Viterbo and Raffaele Cantoni, another prominent anti-fascist who after the war became president of the UCII: \u2018Credo vadano messi in giusta evidenza due elementi relative all\u2019attivit\u00e0 di questi comitati \u2026 la loro importante esperienza a livello internazionale, con la partecipazione di Raffaele Cantoni \u2026 e di Carlo Alberto Viterbo. Il secondo elemento importante era il coinvolgimento attivo, in mansioni dirigenziali \u2026 di ebrei antifascisti \u2026 come gli stessi Cantoni e Viterbo \u2026 non \u00e8 esagerato definire eroici gli sforzi compiuti\u2019.[51]<\/a><\/p>\n

Initially, however, the UCII was slow to react to the plight of German Jewish refugees. In April 1933, in response to one of the many letters from leaders of the Jewish communities requesting directives on how to assist the German Jews, the president of the UCII, Felice Ravenna replied that \u2018noi siamo stati costretti ad un\u2019apparente inazione per ragioni politiche evidenti\u2019 \u2013 fear of increasing anti-semitism in the Italian national press and of incurring the displeasure of the fascist government should large numbers arrive on Italian soil.[52]<\/a><\/p>\n

At the first meeting of the newly elected Council of the UCII of 6 April 1933, there was a fierce debate on this question, with Viterbo speaking out in favour of decisive action. The meeting ended with statements of sympathy and solidarity, but without any concrete proposals. It was only after the chief rabbi of Rome Angelo Sacerdoti received Mussolini\u2019s approval that the UCII gave the go-ahead for committees to be formed and finances to be collected, under the auspices of the Comitato centrale di assistenza ai profughi della Germania, members of which included Viterbo. However, even then the strategy of the UCII was to encourage emigration to Palestine rather than refuge in Italy.[53]<\/a><\/p>\n

In May 1936, Mussolini declared the founding of the Italian Empire with the acquisition of Ethiopia. He decided to take an interest in the Ethiopian Jews, the Falasha, and asked David Prato, chief rabbi of Rome, to organize a mission to report on their situation. In the event, to expedite matters, Prato entrusted this difficult task to Viterbo. He willingly accepted having been interested in the Falasha through the work of Margulies and the well-known Polish scholar Jacques Faitlovich: before the First World War, several Falasha had been brought to Italy to study in Florence at the Rabbinical College where Viterbo had met them; he became friends with Emanuele Taamrat. Viterbo, although an anti-fascist and Zionist, was appointed Commissario Governativo per la Comunit\u00e0 ebraica dell\u2019Etiopia. He travelled extensively in that country between July 1936 and February 1937.<\/p>\n

He was accompanied by Taamrat, then director of the Jewish school in Addis Ababa. Viterbo produced detailed reports, scholarly articles, and chapters for a book which remained unfinished at his death. His son edited his letters from his travels.[54]<\/a> In these letters, addressed primarily to his young son, then nine years old \u2013 \u2018Mio caro, scrivo a te che sei un ometto\u2019 – he vividly describes his journey by ship from Brindisi; his first meeting with Taamrat and the Falasha: \u2018mi trovo veramente e cordialmente \u201cin famiglia\u201d\u2019; the climate; his visit to members of the local royal family; the Jewish festivities; his forty-day journey into the hinterland by car, mule and on foot to visit Falasha villages, covering over 300 kilometres, and repeatedly his satisfaction in carrying out his role: \u2018sono convinto, e dico questo soprattutto a mio figlio a cui penso di essere di esempio e di insegnamento, che non ci sia nulla di pi\u00f9 degno a questo mondo che un\u2019opera buona perseguita con sforzo\u2019.[55]<\/a><\/p>\n

On the day after Mussolini entered the war on the side of Germany, in the early hours of 11 June 1940, Viterbo together with many other anti-fascist Jews was arrested. In official police records he is described as a Zionist.[56]<\/a> He was held for 17 days in the notorious Regina Coeli prison and then transferred to an internment camp in Urbisaglia (province of Macerata) where he remained from 28 June 1940 to 1 July 1941.[57]<\/a><\/p>\n

While at the camp he continued to work for Delasem; he organized Hebrew and Italian classes, ran the small library, officiated at religious services and gave Bible classes: \u2018io qui sono diventato una specie di maestro di guida per questa piccola Comunit\u00e0\u2019.[58]<\/a> In his many letters to his wife and son from Urbisaglia, he describes the Villa Bandini-Giustiniani in which he was housed; the garden with its ancient trees which gave him great solace; the company of his close friend Raffaele Cantoni; the decency of the camp director; the daily routine. He drew strength from his religious faith which he imparts to his son particularly in the days leading up to the boy\u2019s Bar Mitzvah and expresses his sadness at not being present. He was profoundly aware that there were those far worse off than himself; he implores his wife to bear \u2018in silenzio e con rassegnazione questa dura prova\u2019 \u2026 \u2018non conviene strillare, imprecare, recriminare\u2019.[59]<\/a> Viterbo, like many other Jews in similar conditions, faced his deprivations with great dignity and without protest; for him, as for others, the worst experience was his imprisonment in Regina Coeli: in contrast to the humiliation, the squalor and horror of prison life incarcerated with common criminals, the internment camp was experienced with relief: \u2018qui si pu\u00f2 vivere senza lussi o mollezze, ma vivere! Lavarsi! Riposare! Cambiarsi!\u2019[60]<\/a><\/p>\n

On his release,[61]<\/a> he returned to Rome and until its liberation, he, like many thousands of other Jews, assumed a false identity; he continued his work for Delasem: \u2018nella clandestinit\u00e0, insieme ai pi\u00f9 animosi, cercai di continuare quell\u2019assistenza morale e materiale alla Comunit\u00e0 in tempesta ed ai profughi\u2019.[62]<\/a> He reactivated the Federazione Sionistica Italiana which he led as president for nearly two more decades (1944-1961),[63]<\/a> organizing the first meeting in Rome on 27 June 1944 just three weeks after the city was liberated and he edited Il Bollettino ebraico d\u2019informazioni<\/em> (13 July-23 November 1944) which signalled the resumption of Italian Jewish publications in Italy by Italian Jews: \u2018il merito di aver ridato il nuovo incentivo alla pubblicistica ebraica in Italia spetta, principalmente, a Carlo Alberto Viterbo. La sua ricca esperienza della vita ebraica italiana, le sue doti di uomo fermo nei propositi, coraggioso nel gesto e costante nell\u2019opera, gli hanno permesso lo scatto dei primi passi e l\u2019energia della lunga corsa\u2019.[64]<\/a><\/p>\n

Five hundred copies were printed bi-monthly and distributed free. Viterbo was assisted by young Jews from the Circolo Ebraico in Via Balbo which also housed the offices of Il<\/em> Bollettino<\/em>, the FSI and the Jewish National Fund. Il<\/em> Bollettino<\/em> was financed by individuals and by Jewish Palestinian soldiers of the British Eighth Army who also provided much of the information.[65]<\/a> It was replaced on 17 December 1944 by Israel<\/em>. Viterbo recalls: \u2018presi il coraggio a due mani, mi tuffai nell\u2019impresa di far risorgere l\u2019Israel, impresa alla quale sono rimasto legato \u2013 settimana dopo settimana \u2013 per questi ventiquattro anni\u2019;[66]<\/a> his first editorial was appropriately entitled \u2018Liberazione\u2019. However, \u2018il primo nucleo della rinascita sionistica sul suolo dell\u2019Europa liberata\u2019[67]<\/a> was established in Bari in November 1943 by Jews from outside Italy: Jewish Palestinian soldiers of the British Eighth Army – they were Jews serving as volunteers; foreign Jewish refugees released from Ferramonti prison camp and by other groups from Bari, Brindisi and Taranto. These were temporary gatherings of refugees waiting to emigrate to Palestine.[68]<\/a><\/p>\n

As president of the FSI and editor of Israel<\/em>, Carlo Alberto Viterbo was one of the key players who contributed to the reconstruction of Jewish life in Italy in the post-war era; the others were David Prato, chief rabbi of Rome; Raffaele Cantoni, elected president of the UCII in 1946; and Dante Lattes, director of education and culture for the UCII (1946; editor of La<\/em> Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, from 1948). Cantoni and Viterbo were the two Italian delegates at the 22nd<\/sup> World Zionist Congress held in Basle in December 1946, the first to be held after the war; Viterbo continued to represent Italian Zionists at international conferences until 1972.[69]<\/a><\/p>\n

In January 1945, the first post-war conference of the FSI was held in Rome with fifty-five delegates from all over Italy. Gratitude was offered to the Italian people and to the Allied Forces; grave concern was expressed for Jews still suffering in occupied Europe; adherence to the policies of the World Zionist Organization was declared, in particular with regard to Israel; with regard to Italy, plans for the reconstruction of the institutions of the Jewish communities were articulated; an executive committee of the FSI with Viterbo as president was elected.[70]<\/a> Thus the democratic reconstitution of the FSI, led by Viterbo, signalled the resurrection of Jewish life in liberated Italy. Augusto Segre recalls the euphoria in the offices of the FSI in Rome when on 29 November 1947 the United Nations passed the resolution in favour of the creation of a Jewish State. Among the many celebrations was a gathering of more than a thousand people around the Arch of Titus, a potent symbol of the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, and for the first time Jews passed beneath it; they laid a wreath with the words \u2018dopo 1877 anni lo Stato Ebraico risorge\u2019.[71]<\/a><\/p>\n

Viterbo\u2019s greatest legacy and one to which he devoted the remainder of his life, nearly thirty years, was as editor of the weekly journal Israel<\/em>. It was founded by Alfonso Pacifici and Dante Lattes in 1916 as a continuation of Il Corriere Israelitico<\/em> (of Trieste) and La Settimana Israelitica<\/em> (of Florence), both of which had ceased publication in the previous year; in Weizmann\u2019s opinion Israel <\/em>was \u2018one of the best Zionist papers of the day\u2019.[72]<\/a> Viterbo\u2019s contribution until its suppression in 1938 had been largely administrative, but he became one of Lattes\u2019 closest collaborators during the difficult years of 1937 and 1938.[73]<\/a> Viterbo also took the decision to give up his professional activity as a lawyer in order to dedicate himself to promoting Judaism principally through the pages of Israel<\/em>, considered \u2018il portavoce degli ebrei italiani\u2019.[74]<\/a><\/p>\n

Although its print run was small, 2,700 per issue, Israel<\/em> was nevertheless influential in that it had a national circulation through subscriptions; it was distributed to all the Jewish communities; it was the only Jewish journal sold in newsagents, and it was read by government officials.[75]<\/a> Viterbo received funding from the FSI and the UCII,[76]<\/a> but it was always precarious: \u2018il finanziamento del giornale \u00e8 sempre stata la grande preoccupazione che ha assillato mio padre perch\u00e9 le ristrettezze finanziarie gli impedivano di avere validi collaboratori\u2019.[77]<\/a> As a result, Viterbo was not only the editor, but he also researched and wrote most of the articles; he was the translator \u2013 from English, French and German \u2013 proof-reader and sometimes even the administrator and office boy.[78]<\/a> However, other leading figures of Italian Judaism, such as Raffaele Cantoni, Dante Lattes and Alfonso Pacifici, contributed articles; in the 1960s Raoul Elia became a co-editor, and to encourage others to voice their opinions in the journal, Viterbo introduced a regular slot entitled \u2018Tribuna Libera\u2019.<\/p>\n

His editorial policy, underpinned by a profound intellectual and moral integrity, was to promote the traditional values of Judaism, Jewish culture, Zionism and the love of Israel.[79]<\/a> He stated that he wished to convey to each reader \u2018il confortevole senso di esser collegato ad una collettivit\u00e0, di esser membro di una grande famiglia\u2019.[80]<\/a> He campaigned against anti-Semitism, racism, and the insidious encroachments of assimilation. He was not afraid of controversy and could, at times, reveal an \u2018indomito spirito polemico\u2019,[81]<\/a> as in his attacks on what he perceived to be the excessive punitive measures of the British Mandate in Palestine.[82]<\/a> He did not flinch from reporting on the atrocities of the concentration camps as information filtered out of occupied Europe.[83]<\/a><\/p>\n

As befits a Zionist journal, the focus was on Israel and the Middle-East, with many perceptive pieces on the Arab-Israeli conflict as it flared up over the years. There were also regular reports on the activities of the World Zionist Organization, the Jewish National Fund, the Federazione Sionistica Italiana, and the Associazione Donne Ebree d\u2019Italia-Women\u2019s International Zionist Organization (ADEI-WIZO). He did not neglect the domestic scene: from the first year of post-war publication, there was a rubric entitled \u2018Dalle comunit\u00e0 italiane\u2019, and bulletins on the UCII. On the twentieth anniversary of publication, Viterbo received many letters of congratulation from prominent figures including the Israeli ambassador to Italy, the renowned editor of the Jewish Chronicle<\/em> William Frankel, the presidents of the FSI and UCII, and the eminent scholar Cecil Roth who wrote that \u2018Viterbo\u2019s editorship of Israel<\/em> since the Liberation has had a real importance from the historical viewpoint \u2026 in giving expression to the unity of Italian Jewry, and conveying the message of Judaism and the eternal hope of the Jewish people to the smallest groups\u2019.[84]<\/a><\/p>\n

Viterbo\u2019s editorials, invariably signed with his intitials \u2018c.a.v.\u2019, were written in an incisive, lucid, persuasive style with the occasional rhetorical flourish, often infused with humour and irony. His last editorial was published on 1 August 1974, a week before he died; with his death, Israel <\/em>ceased publication. This fact, states Augusto Segre, demonstrates \u2018come sia stata importante ed insostituibile l\u2019opera e l\u2019impegno di Viterbo\u2019.[85]<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Notes <\/a>
\n
\n[1]<\/a> I dedicate this article to Giuseppe and Lionella Viterbo, his son and daughter-in-law, for their invaluable friendship.<\/span><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> See for example: Francesco Del Canuto, \u2018La soppressione della stampa ebraica in Italia e la sua ripresa (1938-1944)\u2019 in Liliana Mezzabotta (ed.), Italia Judaica. Gli ebrei nell\u2019Italia unita 1870-1945. Atti del IV convegno internazionale. Siena 12-16 giugno 1989<\/em> (Rome: Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato, 1993), pp. 464-73: \u2018Desidero dedicare questo mio intervento \u2026 al mio Maestro Carlo Alberto Viterbo \u2026 una delle figure pi\u00f9 rappresentative dell\u2019ebraismo e del sionismo italiano\u2019 (p. 464); Augusto Segre, Memorie di vita ebraica. Casale Monferrato-Roma-Gerusalemme 1918-1960 <\/em>(Rome: Bonacci, 1979), p. 373: \u2018La sua presenza a \u2026 congressi nazionali e internazionali hanno sempre dato lustro e decoro a tutto l\u2019Ebraismo italiano\u2019. Settimio Sorani, \u2018Un caro amico\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 10: \u2018un\u2019amicizia fraterna, tenendomi legato a lui che considerai mio maestro, cercando di seguirlo e di imitarlo\u2019. This edition of Israel<\/em> is a special issue commissioned by L\u2019Unione delle Comunit\u00e0 Israelitiche Italiane to commemorate Viterbo who died in August of that year. I thank Giuseppe Viterbo for giving me a copy.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Carlo Alberto Viterbo, \u2018Un Maestro ancora presente\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 38, 4 (1972), pp. 195-206 (p. 199): \u2018La mia esperienza fu quella di un giovane, nato e cresciuto in una famiglia ebraica \u201cassimilatissima\u201d \u2026 del tutto ignaro di \u201cebraicit\u00e0\u201d, considerata \u2026 come cosa superata, appartenente ad un passato prossimo di discriminazioni e di umiliazioni che non dovevano ritornare<\/em>\u2019. I thank Giuseppe Viterbo for bringing this article to my attention.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Raoul Elia, \u2018Un uomo, una vita\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 4.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Carlo Alberto Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, pp. 6-8 (p. 6). At the request of his friend Raoul Elia who was also for a period co-editor of Israel<\/em>, Viterbo wrote this short account of his life. See also Pacifici\u2019s recollection of this episode; he describes Viterbo as his \u2018amico carissimo e per anni collaboratore fedele\u2019 and as \u2018il primissimo dei miei \u201cdiscepoli\u201d\u2019 in Cinquant\u2019anni intorno a un\u2019idea. Israel Segull\u00e0<\/em>. Vol. 1. La nostra sintesi programma<\/em> (Jerusalem: Edizioni Taoz, 1955), pp. 75-79 (pp. 76, 77).<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Dario Viterbo became a well-known artist and sculptor in Italy and also the United States where he emigrated.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Alfonso Pacifici, \u2018Ha-rav Shemuel Zev\u00ec Margulies\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 28, 6-7 (1962), pp. 251-61 (p. 254).<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 6. See also \u2018Un Maestro ancora presente\u2019, p. 200: \u2018Il Maestro \u2026 rabbino Margulies \u2026mi accolse con animo aperto \u2026 e assunse con calore \u2026 il compito di far di me un Ebreo \u2026 [era] per me un secondo padre\u2019.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 6. He was forced to withdraw because of strong family opposition. However, he continued to work behind the scenes.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Lionella Viterbo, \u2018La nomina del Rabbino Margulies: un excursus<\/em> nella Firenze ebraica di fine Ottocento\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 59 (1993), pp. 67-89 (p. 68). See also Elizabeth Sch\u00e4chter, The Jews of Italy 1848-1915. Between Tradition and Transformation<\/em> (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2011), chapter six.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> Augusto Segre documents the moving encounter between Viterbo and his batman, Priori Giusto, fifty-nine years later (in 1974), and Giusto\u2019s donation of one thousand lire on the death of Viterbo shortly after their reunion \u2018per essere ricordato in memoria del mio Capitano Carlo Alberto Viterbo\u2019, in \u2018Un attendente fedele\u2019 in Racconti di vita ebraica. Casale Monferrato-Roma-Gerusalemme 1876-1985<\/em> (Rome: Carucci, 1986), pp. 197-98.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Like his father, Giuseppe had a professional career, as a civil engineer, and also served, as a councillor and vice-president, in the Unione delle Comunit\u00e0 Ebraiche Italiane.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> The book, Una via verso l\u2019ebraico <\/em>(Milan: Federazione Sionistica Italiana, 1968), originated from fifty instalments entitled \u2018L\u2019Ebraico per tutti\u2019 published in Israel<\/em> between October 1957 and January 1959. See also his article \u2018La trascrizione dell\u2019ebraico\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 8, 10-12 (1934), pp. 549-70. Viterbo taught Hebrew in the 1930s and also in the 1950s at the University of Rome. See Sorani, \u2018Un caro amico\u2019, p. 10; Sergio Minerbi, Raffaele Cantoni. Un ebreo anticonformista<\/em> (Assisi\/Rome: Carucci, 1978), p. 214.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> They were considered to be agitators of the state and anti-Italian in their espousal of political Zionism, in their belief that they were a small part of the future State of Israel. See Aldo Astrologo and Francesco Del Canuto, \u2018Firenze 1920: storia del \u201cComune Ebraico\u201d\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 44, 1 (1978), pp. 6-42. Viterbo recalls: \u2018personalmente in una discussione fui accusato di essere un pericolo pubblico. Il mio sionismo era pericolo pubblico\u2019 (Astrologo and Del Canuto, p. 39, n. 43).<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Regular meetings were held in Viterbo\u2019s home prior to the elections to discuss their \u2018Programma sionistico\u2019 (Viterbo\u2019s diary entries for October and November 1919); Margulies was also closely involved. (Unpublished diary notes; personal archive of Giuseppe Viterbo. I thank Giuseppe Viterbo for allowing me to read them). See also Astrologo and Del Canuto, \u2018Firenze 1920: storia del \u201cComune Ebraico\u201d, pp. 6-42; by the same authors, \u2018Rivoluzionari in Comunit\u00e0\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 4; Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, Ibid<\/em>; p. 7. For a comprehensive account of Italian Zionism until the First World War, see Sch\u00e4chter, The Jews of Italy<\/em>, chapter five.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> Giorgio Romano, \u2018Il Sionismo in Italia fino alla seconda guerra mondiale\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 42, 7-8 (1976), pp. 341-54 (p. 348); Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 7. Felice Ravenna, president of the FSI and Angelo Sullam, one of the vice-presidents resigned in May 1921, thus Viterbo as the other vice-president had to step in for a few months until the various disputes were resolved.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> Chaim Weizmann, Trial and Error. The Autobiography of Chaim Weizmann<\/em> (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1949), pp. 356-57. On the polemic regarding Weizmann\u2019s visit to Florence, see Sch\u00e4chter, The Jews of Italy<\/em>, p. 224, and Simonetta della Seta and Daniel Carpi, \u2018Il movimento sionistico\u2019, in Corrado Vivanti (ed.), Storia d\u2019Italia. Annali 11. Gli ebrei in Italia <\/em>(Turin: Einaudi, 1997), vol. 2, pp. 1321-68 (p. 1329).<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> Rabbi Dante Lattes (1876-1965) was a leading figure of Italian Judaism: editor of Il Corriere Israelitico<\/em> between 1903 and 1915; influential within the FSI in the immediate post First World War period; co-founder with Alfonso Pacifici of Israel<\/em>. See, for example, David Bidussa, Amos Luzzatto and Gadi Luzzatto Voghera, Oltre il ghetto. Momenti e figure della cultura ebraica in Italia tra l\u2019Unit\u00e0 e il fascismo<\/em> (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1992).<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> Attilio Milano, \u2018Gli enti culturali ebraici in Italia nell\u2019ultimo trentennio (1907-1937)\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 12, 6 (1938), pp. 253-69 (p. 262). See also Mario Toscano, Ebraismo e antisemitismo in Italia. Dal 1848 alla guerra dei sei giorni<\/em> (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2003), pp. 93-109; Massimo Longo Adorno, Gli ebrei fiorentini dall\u2019emancipazione alla Sho\u00e0 <\/em>(Florence: Giuntina, 2003), pp. 40-42; the organization was under constant police surveillance and was closed down in March 1938 (see Longo Adorno).<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> The words of Max Varadi, cited in Longo Adorno, p. 45. Varadi was secretary general of the UCII in 1936-37. See also the chapter on the \u2018campeggi\u2019, in Arturo Marzano, Una terra per rinascere. Gli ebrei italiani e l\u2019emigrazione in Palestina prima della guerra (1920-1940) <\/em>(Genoa-Milan: Marietti, 2003).<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 7. See also Francesco Del Canuto, Il movimento sionistico in Italia dalle origini al 1924 <\/em>(Milan: Federazione Sionistica Italiana, 1972), pp. 137-49; Bidussa, in Bidussa, Luzzatto and Luzzatto Voghera, Oltre il ghetto<\/em>, pp. 244-74; Toscano, Ebraismo e antisemitismo<\/em>, pp. 99-107; Giuseppe Laras, \u2018Si \u00e8 commemorato a Livorno il Convegno del 1924\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 41, 1 (1975), pp. 3-15.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> Israel<\/em>, 19 March 1925. See also Toscano, Ebraismo e antisemitismo in Italia<\/em>, pp. 107-109.<\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> Israel<\/em>, 23 April 1925. This issue contains a detailed report of the conference proceedings. Alfonso Pacifici was also present and spoke on the positive effect on Italian Judaism of the influx of Eastern European Jews. Viterbo became the Secretary and Treasurer of the Florence committee; see his unpublished Curriculum Vitae in Dr Giuseppe Viterbo\u2019s personal archive.<\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> Longo Adorno, p. 34.<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> The letters are dated 28 May and 10 June 1931. Personal archive of Dr Giuseppe Viterbo. In his letter, Viterbo stated that he would not follow the usual formula of blaming the leaders for all problems. At this time, Weizmann faced hostile challenges within the Zionist movement which led to a vote of censure against him at the Basle congress in July of that year. See, for example, Barnet Litvinoff, Weizmann, Last of the Patriarchs <\/em>(Hodder and Stoughton: London, 1976), pp. 156-62.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> Romano, \u2018Il Sionismo in Italia fino alla seconda guerra mondiale\u2019, pp. 344, 348-49, 352.<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> See Renato Spiegel (ed.), Archivio Alfonso Pacifici (1899-1974)<\/em> (Jerusalem: The Central Archives For the History of the Jewish People, 2000), p. 39.<\/p>\n

[28]<\/a> See Longo Adorno, pp. 35, 36.<\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> Segre, Memorie di vita ebraica<\/em>, p. 374.<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> Viterbo\u2019s father was a fascist: \u2018rest\u00f2 affascinato dalle prime promesse, si iscrisse al Fascio e mi invit\u00f2 a seguire il suo esempio. Non lo feci\u2019. He died in 1930. \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 7.<\/p>\n

[31]<\/a> Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell\u2019Italia fascista. Vicende, identit\u00e0<\/em>, persecuzione<\/em> (Turin, Einaudi, 2000), p. 70. In 1926 and again in 1937, the Florence Jewish administration was fascist in orientation; see Sarfatti, ibid<\/em>; p.70, and Longo Adorno, pp. 55-56: in 1937, in his election speech, the president Goffredo Passigli, stated: \u2018esprimo gli intendimenti del consiglio che sono quelli di imprimere ad ogni atto della vita ebraica il suggello del pi\u00f9 vivace ed incondizionato assenso al regime\u2019 (p. 55). See also Augusto Segre, Memorie di vita ebraica<\/em>: \u2018imposero praticamente a mio padre di iscriversi\u2019 (p. 65). His father was the rabbi of Casale Monferrato, a Zionist and anti-fascist who nevertheless had to succumb to the dictates of the Jewish administrative council.<\/p>\n

[32]<\/a> Alexander Stille, Benevolence and Betrayal. Five Italian Jewish Families Under Fascism <\/em>(London: Jonathan Cape, 1992), p. 22.<\/p>\n

[33]<\/a> La nostra bandiera<\/em>, 1 May, p. 1 and 17 May, p. 1, 1934. The editors described their journal as \u2018un bollettino militare\u2019 in which to conduct \u2018la nostra battaglia\u2019 (10 May, 1934).<\/p>\n

[34]<\/a> See Stille, p. 53.<\/p>\n

[35]<\/a> Longo Adorno, p. 52. See also Bruno Di Porto, \u2018Gli ebrei italiani di fronte al 1938\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 73, 2 (2007), pp. 249-76: \u2018la lotta interna travagliava l\u2019ebraismo italiano\u2019 (p. 251); in the same volume, Tullia Catalan, \u2018Ebrei in Italia negli anni Trenta\u2019, pp. 25-43.<\/p>\n

[36]<\/a> See La nostra bandiera<\/em>, 17 January 1935: \u2018Il successo della nostra azione\u2019. Liuzzi was nominated to the Executive (Giunta Esecutiva) of the UCII. At the end of the meeting, Ovazza\u2019s proposal to send \u2018un fervido telegramma di devozione\u2019 to Mussolini was approved \u2018per acclamazione\u2019.<\/p>\n

[37]<\/a> Cited in Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo<\/em>, third edn. (Turin: Einaudi, 1972 [1961]), p. 222. However, in their detailed report of the meeting, the editors of La nostra bandiera<\/em> omitted Viterbo\u2019s words in defence of political Zionism; they were transmuted into a bland statement about solidarity for persecuted Jews in other countries (17 January 1935).<\/p>\n

[38]<\/a> Cited in Longo Adorno, p. 54.<\/p>\n

[39]<\/a> See De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani<\/em>, p. 222.<\/p>\n

[40]<\/a> Diary entry of 20 February, 1935; Dr Giuseppe Viterbo\u2019s private archive. Sacerdoti\u2019s fascist sympathies are recalled in Augusto Segre\u2019s memoirs, pp. 150-51. See also, as an example, Sacerdoti\u2019s letter to Mussolini of 10 July 1933 in De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani<\/em>, Appendix 4, pp. 494-97.<\/p>\n

[41]<\/a> Segre, Memorie di vita ebraica<\/em>, pp. 181; 202-205. He was also refused employment by several Jewish communities because he was a Zionist (pp. 260-61) as were other Zionist Jews. See also by the same author, \u2018Per il 30 compleanno della \u201cRassegna\u201d: movimenti ebraici in Italia durante il periodo razziale\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 31, 8-9 (1965), pp. 382-93: \u2018da fascistissimi presidenti e consiglieri \u2026 si ebbe la lotta pi\u00f9 aperta \u2026 le \u201cteste calde\u201d dei giovani sionisti furono relegate nelle \u201cliste nere\u201d (p. 387). See also Anselmo Cal\u00f2, \u2018Stampa e propaganda antisemita del regime fascista prima delle leggi razziali\u2019, in Francesco Del Canuto (ed.), Israel. \u201cUn decennio\u201d 1974-1984. Saggi sull\u2019ebraismo italiano <\/em>(Rome: Carucci, 1984), pp. 115-63.<\/p>\n

[42]<\/a> See Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell\u2019Italia fascista<\/em>, pp. 98-104; 128-29; 131-32; by the same author, \u2018Gli ebrei negli anni del fascismo: vicende, identit\u00e0, persecuzione\u2019 in Storia d\u2019Italia. Annali 11<\/em>, vol.2 Dall\u2019emancipazione a oggi<\/em>, pp. 1623-1764 (pp. 1661-2).<\/p>\n

[43]<\/a> See for example, Francesco Del Canuto, \u2018La stampa ebraica in Italia dall\u2019emancipazione alla seconda guerra mondiale\u2019 in Bice Migliau (ed.), La cultura ebraica nell\u2019editoria italiana (1955-1990)<\/em> (Rome: Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, 1992), pp. 67-78: \u2018fu l\u2019unica voce di libera replica agli attacchi della stampa del regime\u2019 (p. 76); Della Seta and Carpi, pp. 1340-41; Guido Lopez, \u2018Sionista ad oltranza\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 11: \u2018egli [Viterbo] rievoca fieramente la situazione degli anni 1933-1938 quando egli, e un gruppo abbastanza piccolo di sionisti, con grande dignit\u00e0 e sereno coraggio si opposero agli attacchi del Popolo di Roma<\/em>, del Tevere<\/em>, del Regime Fascista<\/em>, rivendicando \u2026 il diritto a proclamarsi legati all\u2019amore per Sion. Altri facevano a gara in profferte di fascismo e di italianit\u00e0 ad oltranza\u2019.<\/p>\n

[44]<\/a> See Del Canuto, \u2018La soppressione della stampa ebraica\u2019, pp. 468-71; Amos Luzzatto, \u2018Autocoscienza e identit\u00e0 ebraica\u2019, in Storia d\u2019Italia, Annali 11<\/em>, vol.2, pp. 1829-1900 (p. 1845); Stille, pp. 75-77. See also Dan Vittorio Segre\u2019s personal account in Memoirs of a Fortunate Jew. An Italian Story <\/em>(London: Peter Halban, 1998): he recalls Ettore Ovazza\u2019s visit to his house to put his proposal of vandalism against Israel<\/em> to his father in the hope that he would take part. Ovazza was his cousin (pp. 79-82).<\/p>\n

[45]<\/a> Del Canuto, \u2018La soppressione della stampa ebraica\u2019, p. 471.<\/p>\n

[46]<\/a> Ettore Ovazza and his family were brutally murdered by the Nazis; see Stille, pp. 88-89. Other Bandieristi were also exterminated. In his memoirs, Augusto Segre writes that \u2018il senso di piet\u00e0 verso la loro misera fine mi ha sempre indotto a mettere un velo su quelle persone\u2019, even though he could say so much more about them (p. 181). On the category of the discriminati<\/em>, see Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell\u2019Italia fascista<\/em>, pp. 162-63.<\/p>\n

[47]<\/a> Israel<\/em>, 25 February 1965. Viterbo also recalls his own stance at that meeting in 1935: \u2018spett\u00f2 proprio a me di farmi portavoce dei sionisti decisi a non ripiegare \u2026 spett\u00f2 a me difendere i Fondi Nazionali \u2026 che i \u201cbandieristi\u201d avrebbero voluto escludere da ogni attivit\u00e0 diretta, in Italia\u2019 (ibid;<\/em>).<\/p>\n

[48]<\/a> Israel<\/em>, 11 March and 1 April 1965.<\/p>\n

[49]<\/a> Sorani, \u2018Un caro amico\u2019, Israel<\/em>, 1974, p. 10.<\/p>\n

[50]<\/a> Settimio Sorani, L\u2019assistenza ai profughi ebrei in Italia (1933-1947). Contributo alla storia della \u201cDelasem\u201d<\/em> (Rome: Carucci, 1983), p. 57; by the same author, \u2018Un caro amico\u2019, Israel<\/em>, 1974, p. 10. See also John A. Davis, The Jews of San Nicandro<\/em> (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2010), p. 96: \u2018The Delegation to Assist Emigrating Jews \u2026 in which Raffaele Cantoni and Carlo Alberto Viterbo \u2026 were key players\u2019. On these organizations to help Jewish refugees and collect funds on their behalf, see also, for example, Stille, pp. 223-78; Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell\u2019Italia fascista <\/em>pp. 214, 278-80; Della Seta and Carpi, \u2018Il movimento sionistico\u2019, pp. 1336, 1343-46, 1354; in the same volume, Sarfatti, \u2018Gli ebrei negli anni di fascismo\u2019, pp. 1662-68, 1725-26,1761; Amos Luzzatto, \u2018Autocoscienza e identit\u00e0 ebraica\u2019, pp. 1846-48; Augusto Segre, Memorie di vita ebraica<\/em>, pp. 230-60; Sergio Minerbi, Raffaele Cantoni<\/em>, pp. 52-66; 113-14; Rosa Paini, I sentieri della speranza. Profughi ebrei, Italia fascista e \u201cLa Delasem\u201d<\/em> (Milan: Xenia, 1988), and Klaus Voigt, \u2018Jewish Refugees and Immigrants in Italy, 1933-1945\u2019, in Ivo Herzer (ed.). Co edited by Klaus Voigt and James Burgwyn, The Italian Refuge. Rescue of Jews during the Holocaust <\/em>(Washington DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1989), pp. 141-58.<\/p>\n

[51]<\/a> Amos Luzzatto, \u2018Autocoscienza e identit\u00e0 ebraica\u2019, pp. 1847; 1848.<\/p>\n

[52]<\/a> Cited in Alessandra Minerbi, \u2018Tra solidariet\u00e0 e timori: gli ebrei italiani di fronte all\u2019arrivo dei profughi ebrei dalla Germania nazista\u2019, in Alberto Burgio (ed.), Nel nome della razza: il razzismo nella storia d\u2019Italia 1870-1945<\/em> (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000), pp. 309-319 (p. 311).<\/p>\n

[53]<\/a> See Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell\u2019Italia fascista<\/em>, Appendix 2, \u2018Relazione sull\u2019attivit\u00e0 dell\u2019Unione delle Comunit\u00e0 israelitiche italiane dal giugno 1933 al settembre 1934\u2019, XIII, \u2018Per gli ebrei di Germania\u2019, pp. 321-24. In this section, Ravenna glosses over the divisions and delays in assisting the German Jews.<\/p>\n

[54]<\/a> See De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani<\/em>, pp. 194-95; Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 8; Viterbo, Nuovi manoscritti Falasci\u00e0<\/em>, Estratto dall\u2019Annuario di Studi Ebraici<\/em> 1935-37 (Rome: Nuove Grafiche, 1938), pp. 113-23; Carlo Alberto Viterbo and Ahron Cohen, Ebrei di Etiopia. Due diari (1936 e 1976)<\/em> (Florence: Giuntina, 1993); Carlo Alberto Viterbo, \u2018Relazione al Ministero dell\u2019Africa Italiana dell\u2019opera svolta in A.O.I in rappresentanza dell\u2019Unione delle Comunit\u00e0 Israelitiche Italiane\u2019, in Del Canuto, Israel. Un decennio<\/em>, pp. 47-113; Emanuela Trevisan Semi, \u2018Ethiopian Jews in Europe: Taamrat Emmanuel in Italy and Makonnen Levi in England\u2019, in Tudor Parfitt and Emanuela Trevisan Semi (eds), Jews of Ethiopia<\/em>. The Birth of an Elite <\/em>(London and New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 74-100. Taamrat remained close to Viterbo after the latter\u2019s return to Italy and asked him to send copies of Israel <\/em>(p. 85).<\/p>\n

[55]<\/a> Viterbo e Cohen, Ebrei di Etiopia<\/em>, pp. 24; 37; 73.<\/p>\n

[56]<\/a> See De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani<\/em>, pp. 361-63: two hundred Italian Jews were arrested on 10\/11 June 1940. See also Umberto Scazzocchio, \u2018Quattro incontri\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 9, on meeting Viterbo in Rome during the war when he had been given permission to travel there accompanied by a policeman who, despite the circumstances, he treated with courtesy.<\/p>\n

[57]<\/a> On the internment camps in Italy, of which there were 51, see, for example, Carlo Spartaco Capogreco, \u2018L\u2019internamento degli ebrei stranieri ed apolidi dal 1940 al 1943: il caso di Ferramonti-Tarsia\u2019, in Mezzabotta, Italia Judaica<\/em>, pp. 533-63; the camps are listed on p. 563; by the same author, I campi del duce. L\u2019internamento civile nell\u2019Italia fascista (1940-1943) <\/em>(Turin: Einaudi, 2004), and Luigi Reale, Mussolini\u2019s Concentration Camps for Civilians<\/em>. An Insight into the Nature of Fascist Racism<\/em> (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2011).<\/p>\n

[58]<\/a> Viterbo, letter to his wife, 5 July 1940; private archive of Dr Giuseppe Viterbo. I am grateful to Giuseppe Viterbo for permitting me to read this private correspondence. See also Settimio Sorani, L\u2019assistenza ai profughi ebrei in Italia<\/em>, p. 75, and Giuseppe Viterbo, \u2018Mio Padre\u2019, in Del Canuto, Israel. \u201cUn decennio\u201d<\/em>, pp. 15-16.<\/p>\n

[59]<\/a> Letter of 8 April 1941, private archive; letter of 10 June 1940 in Mario Avagliano and Marco Palmieri (eds), Gli ebrei sotto la persecuzione in Italia. Diari e lettere 1938-1945<\/em> (Turin: Einaudi, 2011), p. 71.<\/p>\n

[60]<\/a> Viterbo, letter of 30 June 1940 in Avagliano and Palmieri, p. 131. His letters describing prison life are dated 2, 5, 12 and 22 July 1940 (private archive). See also Avagliano and Palmieri, Introduction, pp. xxiv; xxv; xxvi; xxxvii.<\/p>\n

[61]<\/a> Had he remained, his fate would have been different: \u2018the camp [Urbisaglia] closed on 22 October 1943, and the internees were all handed over to the Germans to be transferred to the Sforzacosta camp, and subsequently to Auschwitz\u2019; Reale, Mussolini\u2019s Concentraion Camps<\/em>, p. 78.<\/p>\n

[62]<\/a> Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 8. See also Sorani, \u2018Un caro amico\u2019, p. 10; Amos Luzzatto, \u2018Autocoscienza e identit\u00e0 ebraica\u2019: \u2018la Delasem \u2026 soprattutto i suoi dirigenti, con tenacia eroica non sospesero mai la propria attivit\u00e0\u2019 (p. 1855). On the immediate post-war activities of Delasem, see Sorani, L\u2019assistenza ai profughi ebrei in Italia<\/em>, pp. 158-60; 164, and Della Seta and Carpi, pp. 1362-66.<\/p>\n

[63]<\/a> See Francesco Del Canuto, \u2018La ripresa delle attivit\u00e0 sionistiche e delle organizzazioni ebraiche alla Liberazione\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di <\/em>Israel, 47, 1-3 (1981), pp. 174-219 (pp. 179-80). At the FSI conference in March 1961, Viterbo and Cantoni (vice-president) were ousted by younger members, led by Leo Levi, who described them as dinosaurs; see Israel<\/em>, 13 April 1961; Minerbi, Raffaele Cantoni<\/em>, pp. 240-41. Viterbo was nominated Honorary President; see Israel<\/em>, 16 March 1961.<\/p>\n

[64]<\/a> Attilio Milano, \u2018Per il 30 compleanno della \u201cRassegna\u201d: la ripresa della stampa ebraica in Italia\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 31, 2 (1965), pp. 51-69 (p. 53).<\/p>\n

[65]<\/a> Ibid<\/em>. See also Del Canuto, \u2018La ripresa delle attivit\u00e0 sionistische\u2019, pp. 181-90; and Della Seta and Carpi, pp. 1357-58.<\/p>\n

[66]<\/a> Viterbo, \u2018Una vita per l\u2019ebraismo\u2019, p. 8. See also Del Canuto, \u2018La soppressione della stampa ebraica\u2019: \u2018fu un atto di grande coraggio e di speranza in quegli anni ancora bui\u2019 (p. 473).<\/p>\n

[67]<\/a> Della Seta and Carpi, p. 1353.<\/p>\n

[68]<\/a> See Del Canuto, \u2018La ripresa delle attivit\u00e0 sionistiche\u2019, p. 175; Della Seta and Carpi, pp. 1351-53. The Palestinian soldiers produced the first newspaper in Hebrew to be published in Italy (p. 1354). They also established cultural clubs and schools in Rome and Florence: see Del Canuto, \u2018La ripresa delle attivit\u00e0 sionistiche\u2019, pp. 182-95.<\/p>\n

[69]<\/a> See Israel<\/em>, 12 December 1946; Viterbo\u2019s unpublished Curriculum Vitae.<\/p>\n

[70]<\/a> See Del Canuto, \u2018La ripresa delle attivit\u00e0 sionistiche\u2019, pp. 217-18.<\/p>\n

[71]<\/a> Augusto Segre, Memorie di vita ebraica<\/em>, pp. 381-88. See also Israel,<\/em> Edizione Straordinaria, 2 December 1947; 4 and 18 December 1947. One of Viterbo\u2019s favourite front pages of Israel<\/em> was that of 16 May 1948 with the headlines \u2018Stato d\u2019Israele\u2019 and \u2018Weizmann presidente\u2019 accompanied by a photograph. See Giorgio Romano, \u2018Viterbo giornalista\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 3.<\/p>\n

[72]<\/a> Weizmann, p. 356.<\/p>\n

[73]<\/a> See Della Seta and Carpi, p. 1340.<\/p>\n

[74]<\/a> Milano, \u2018Per il 30 compleanno della \u201cRassegna\u201d\u2019, p. 53. See also Giorgio Romano, \u2018Il direttore di \u201cIsrael\u201d, in Del Canuto, Israel. \u201cUn decennio\u201d<\/em>, pp. 19-22 (p.19): \u2018Il settimanale \u201cIsrael\u201d \u2026 era considerato rappresentativo dell\u2019ebraismo italiano\u2019.<\/p>\n

[75]<\/a> See Milano, \u2018Per il compleanno della \u201cRassegna\u201d, p. 54; Romano, \u2018Il direttore di \u201cIsrael\u201d, p. 19.<\/p>\n

[76]<\/a> See the report on Israel<\/em> presented to the FSI conference in Livorno in January 1958, in CAHJP, Aap, pp. 143-45 (Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People, Jerusalem), cited in Matteo di Figlia, Israele e la sinistra. Gli ebrei nel dibattito pubblico italiano dal 1945 a oggi <\/em>(Rome: Donzelli Editore, 2012), p. 29, n. 102.<\/p>\n

[77]<\/a> Giuseppe Viterbo, correspondence with the author, 30 March 2012. See also Romano, p. 20.<\/p>\n

[78]<\/a> See Romano, \u2018Il direttore di \u201cIsrael\u201d\u2019, p. 20.<\/p>\n

[79]<\/a> See Israel<\/em>, 2 July 1959. See also Augusto Segre, Memorie<\/em>: \u2018[Viterbo] difese l\u2019Ebraismo e il sionismo sempre a viso aperto, con serenit\u00e0 e fermezza di fronte a tutti, anche con sacrifici personali\u2019 (p. 373).<\/p>\n

[80]<\/a> Israel<\/em>, 10 December 1964.<\/p>\n

[81]<\/a> Fausto Pitigliani, \u2018Il messaggio di Carlo Alberto Viterbo\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 40, 9 (1974), pp. 338-44 (p. 339).<\/p>\n

[82]<\/a> See, for example, Israel<\/em>, 20 February, 24 April, 1 May and 31 July 1947.<\/p>\n

[83]<\/a> See the issues of Israel<\/em>, December 1944; 1945-46 in a series of articles with the title \u2018Atroci realt\u00e0\u2019.<\/p>\n

[84]<\/a> Israel<\/em>, 14 January 1965; his letter was published in English. For the other letters, see Israel<\/em> 24 December 1964 and 4 February 1965.<\/p>\n

[85]<\/a> Augusto Segre, Memorie<\/em>, p. 373. See also Yoseph Colombo, \u2018Carlo Alberto Viterbo\u2019, Rassegna Mensile di Israel<\/em>, 40, 9 (1974), pp. 335-37: \u2018Il vuoto che la sua scomparsa lascia \u2026 \u00e8 veramente incolmabile. Senza di lui potr\u00e0 il giornale continuare a vivere? Temo di no\u2019 (p. 337); and Mario Ottolenghi, \u2018Quel che pi\u00f9 ci ha unito\u2019, Israel<\/em>, December 1974, p. 5: \u2018Pochi come lui hanno dedicato interamente la propria vita alla causa della rinascita ebraica\u2019. Ottolenghi was a close friend and fellow Zionist from the 1920s. He was also co-editor of Israel<\/em> in the 1930s when Pacifici emigrated to Israel.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Carlo Alberto Viterbo: A Neglected Figure of Italian Judaism   Carlo Alberto Viterbo (1889-1974) made wide-ranging contributions over many years to the development and dissemination of Jewish heritage in Italy,…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1791,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1774","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-academia"],"yoast_head":"\nCarlo Alberto Viterbo - Printed_Matter<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/carlo-alberto-viterbo\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Carlo Alberto Viterbo - 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