{"id":2884,"date":"2016-08-22T11:38:53","date_gmt":"2016-08-22T11:38:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/?p=2884"},"modified":"2016-08-22T11:48:34","modified_gmt":"2016-08-22T11:48:34","slug":"primo-levi-mountain-rebel","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/primo-levi-mountain-rebel\/","title":{"rendered":"Primo Levi, Mountain Rebel"},"content":{"rendered":"

Levi’s experience as a partisan\u2014and the execution of two teenage boys\u2014showed him humans’ capacity for extreme violence.<\/strong><\/h4>\n
\nGavin Jacobson, The New Republic<\/a>\r\n\t \t\t
Read the\u00a0original article<\/a>\u00a0<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

A review of Sergio Luzzatto’s Primo Levi’s Resistance and Collaborators in Occupied Italy<\/em>. Metropolitan Books, 2015.\u00a0Translated by Frederika Randall<\/p>\n

In September 1943, Primo Levi took to the mountains in northwest Italy to escape the Nazis. A keen mountaineer since the age of 14, for Levi the Alps had long been a sanctuary for physical release and spiritual recovery. High up in the alpine tundra, he exulted in hard battle with the elements, the same \u201cMother-Matter\u201d he confronted at the Chemical Institute in Turin, where he worked as a chemist on the molecular structure of carbon. The mountain\u2019s geological morphologies, the combined sense of its instant creation and eternal presence, the fellowship amongst climbers roped together across pleated terrains: these had been Levi\u2019s greatest pleasures. \u201cEvenings spent in a mountain hut,\u201d he later wrote in a short story called \u201cBear Meat\u201d (1960), \u201care the most sublime and intense that life holds.\u201d But after the Nazis established Mussolini\u2019s Republic of Sal\u00f2 and occupied the north of the country, intensifying the roundup and deportation of Jews, the \u201crocky gymnasiums\u201d became his place of greater safety.<\/p>\n

Levi had never intended to pursue armed resistance against the Germans. \u201cI was a young bourgeois pacifist and I\u2019d rather have died than shoot anyone\u201d, he recalled in an interview with his biographer, Ian Thomson. Like a lot of Italian Jews, he thought the best option was to wait for an Allied liberation. But Nazi-Fascism presented an unforgiving choice for most Jewish citizens of occupied Europe: hide, resist, or, as Arendt documented in Eichmann in Jerusalem, cooperate. Levi\u2019s initial concern was for the safety of his mother and sister, and on September 9 they left for St. Vincent, a spa town 100 kilometres north of Turin in the Valle d\u2019Aosta, where they stayed with friends. But after the Nazis drowned forty-nine Jews in Lake Maggiore near Switzerland, including Levi\u2019s uncle, Mario, any hesitations he had about armed resistance disappeared. On October 1, along with a couple of disbanded Italian soldiers, as well as other Jewish refugees and anti-fascists, Levi became part of a small and shambolic resistance group.<\/p>\n

Sergio Luzzatto\u2019s newly translated Primo Levi\u2019s Resistance: Rebels and Collaborators in Occupied Italy<\/em> is the story of Levi\u2019s time as a partisan. Drawing on materials housed in local archives throughout northwest Italy, as well as interviewing many of those involved in the early Resistance, his book is a micro-history of what happened in the two months between Levi becoming a partisan and his arrest and deportation to Auschwitz in December 1943. The most intriguing part of Luzzatto\u2019s story, though, is an event that took place a few days before Levi\u2019s capture, when his band executed Fulvio Oppezzo and Luciano Zabaldano, two teenagers accused of threatening the secrecy and survival of the rebel group. After the war, Levi remained disturbed by the execution, and questioned the lengths people in conditions of weakness go to survive. His writings were not just shaped by his experience of Auschwitz, but by a life at the frontier of powerlessness as both a partisan and a prisoner.<\/p>\n

It is still Levi the prisoner that we know best, and this is what informs much of his writings. Levi recorded his experience of the Holocaust in If This Is a Man (1947), and over the following decades gained success as a writer who, with astonishing self-control, chronicled Europe\u2019s tragic danse macabre. Yet as Ann Goldstein\u2014editor of the Complete Works of Primo Levi\u2014notes, the tag \u201cHolocaust writer\u201d does Levi \u201ca regrettable injustice\u201d. A remarkable three-volume set of memoirs, novels, short stories, essays, commentary, book reviews, and poetry, the Complete Works now enables us to appreciate the tangle of forms and identities that defined Levi as a writer: memorialist and fantasist, scientist and sensationalist, puritan and jester, poet and political commentator.<\/p>\n

What most clearly stands out from this body of work is the experience of violence in service of the absolute\u2014absolute racial purity, for example, or absolute security and freedom, or absolute control over people through force, or even the absolute mastery of the material world through scientific endeavor. He even argued that \u201cperfect happiness\u201d was unattainable, owing to the certainty of our death, nor \u201cperfect unhappiness\u201d, since death saves us from the daily agonies of existence. For Levi, then, the twentieth century was so violent because societies strove for the absolute and infinite, and much of his work documented the experience of the powerless when confronted by that ambition.<\/p>\n

In contrast to fascism\u2019s hate of difference and irregularity, Levi celebrated the fine gradations of being in The Periodic Table (1975), a memoir of his life in chemistry:<\/p>\n

In order for the wheel to turn, for life to be lived, impurities are needed, and the impurities of impurities in the soil, too, as is know, if it is to be fertile. Dissension, diversity, the grain of salt and mustard are needed: Fascism does not want them, forbids them, and that\u2019s why you\u2019re not a Fascist\u2026. Immaculate virtue does not exist either, or if it exists it is detestable.<\/p>\n

Natural Histories, a collection of Huxley-esque science fiction stories first published in 1966, is another example of the cohabiting themes and anxieties that imprinted themselves on Levi after what he witnessed between 1943 and 45. Written in an absurdist key, he mixed the potential of science to attain absolute control and understanding of the physical universe with a deep paranoia of its subversion by the wild spirit of the innovator, the unpredictability of experimentation, and the consequences of human vanity.<\/p>\n

In \u201cAngelic Butterfly,\u201d one of Levi\u2019s most disturbing fictions, Dr Leeb, a researcher based on the Auschwitz physician Josef Mengele, transforms humans into birds, which are then devoured by hungry crowds (the story takes place in post-war Germany, which Levi said was \u201ca civilized form of reprisal\u201d). Similarly, \u201cVersamnia\u201d is about the attempt to convert complete pain into pure pleasure, during which the human subjects loose their minds and the inventor commits suicide. And in \u201cThe Magic Paint,\u201d in which Levi displays a dark comedic genius, it is the pursuit of everlasting luck that causes death. Having discovered a paint that brings good luck to anyone exposed to it, the scientist-narrator calls on an old friend, Michele Fassio, whose gaze from the right eye brings him eternal misfortune. After having the right lens of his glasses coated in the magic paint, Fassio puts them on and dies immediately\u2014the lens was concave, reflecting his powers of bad luck off the paint and back into himself, a \u201cblameless victim of our experiment\u201d.<\/p>\n

But Levi wasn\u2019t just concerned with the tragic, usually violent, consequences of pursuing the absolute. He also grappled with the origins and nature of that violence. As a partisan, he participated in a brutal execution in the winter of 1943, and as a Jew he witnessed the industrial murder of entire peoples. Both issued, in different magnitudes, from what Levi called \u201cthe sleep of reason\u201d. But they also resulted from contrasting positions of power: the paranoid fragility of the early partisan movement on the one hand, and the \u201cindiscriminate power\u201d of Nazi Germany on the other. Levi\u2019s writings are not celebrations of the human spirit, as is so often claimed, but reflections on the effects that power and powerlessness have on the human capacity for violence.<\/p>\n

Levi\u2019s mountain rebels in Aosta were too weak and inexperienced for effective guerrilla warfare. His only weapon, he recalled, was a tiny pistol, \u201call inlaid with mother of pearl, the kind used in movies by ladies desperately intent on committing suicide\u201d. The group\u2019s leader, Guido Bachi, would later admit that they weren\u2019t really partisans at all, but simply \u201crefugees\u2014Jews on the run\u201d. Many rebels also mistook banditry for resistance. Partisans were free from the codified norms of national armies, and could devise their own protocols. Young men, armed and proud, descended into towns and villages in the name of resistance and assaulted locals, hijacked cars, plundered food, and burnt property\u2014willful violence cloaked in the mantle of anti-fascism.<\/p>\n

Luzzatto ascertains that Oppezzo and Zabaldano\u2019s unruliness ultimately led to their executions. They had terrorized locals around the village of Amay, threatening to denounce to the fascist authorities anyone who tried to prevent them. On 8 December 1943 they joined up with Levi\u2019s band of rebels. The next day, their new alpine comrades executed them. There was no trial, no solemn march to a remote clearing where deadeyes lined up and fired. The killing was sudden and without warning, a volley of bullets in the back as the youngsters walked through the snow\u2014it was known as \u201cthe Soviet method.\u201d<\/p>\n

Luzzatto is less concerned with who actually shot them. What\u2019s important is the severity of the punishment, which, he writes, Levi\u2019s partisans \u201ccan only have arrived at after searching their consciences\u201d. The decision to execute was a collective one, which Levi granted in The Periodic Table. In the chapter \u2018Gold\u2019, an account of his arrest and imprisonment by fascist militiamen, he admitted publicly for the first time his part in the \u2018ugly secret\u2019:<\/p>\n

an ugly secret weighed on us, in every one of our minds\u2026. Conscience had compelled us to carry out a sentence, and we had carried it out, but we had come away devastated, empty, wanting everything to finish and to be finished ourselves; but also wanting to be together, to talk, to help each other exorcise that still so recent memory. Now we were finished, and we knew it; we were in the trap, each one in his own trap, and there was no way out but down.<\/p>\n

Like so much of the early days of anti-fascist resistance, seen close-up, the application of physical force is stripped of all romanticism. Levi\u2019s partisans weren\u2019t indomitable heroes in steadfast pursuit of victory. Even if their original intentions were good, they were neophytes who, weak, powerless, and desperate to survive the Nazi dragnet, turned to violence and immediately regretted their decision (Levi said that afterwards, they lost the will \u201cto resist, even to live\u201d).<\/p>\n

Levi\u2019s participation in the execution is well known. Ian Thomson mentions it in his biography Primo Levi, as do Carole Angier in her book about Levi The Double Bond and Myriam Anissimov in Primo Levi: Tragedy of an Optimist. But Luzzatto zeroes-in specifically on this episode, and in so doing, is more judicious and systematic. He writes with verve (rendered beautifully into English by Frederika Randall), and has mined a great many sources to provide a decent account of life under arms in the Aosta Valley.<\/p>\n

Yet his conclusions are no more assured than previous interpretations. It still remains unclear how much Levi was involved beyond the debate to execute (was he
\na triggerman, for example?). Nor whether the lawless behavior of Oppezzo and Zabaldano was the real reason for the execution. It also cannot be proved that Levi participated in the burials of the two teenagers. Luzzatto speculates that he did, pointing to his poem \u2018Epitaph\u2019 (1952) that is \u201cfar from any kind of historical proof\u201d, but that provides the strongest suggestion. The narrator in the poem is a dead partisan, buried beneath the soil of Aosta. Like Oppezzo or Zabaldano, he was condemned to death by his comrades:<\/p>\n

Here where my comrades dry-eyed buried me, [\u2026]\nI, Micca the partisan, lie here. Brought down by my comrades
\nFor no small wrong, and not many years ago,
\nNor many years did I have when I met the night.<\/p>\n

The sporadic clues in Levi\u2019s writings that allude to his \u201cugly secret\u201d are tantalizing in their promise to yield more treasure about a darker past. Luzzatto\u2019s book is in part hostage to this temptation. He readily admits that he might be \u201cinsisting on a very minor episode in the overall experience of the Italian Resistance, not to mention in Primo Levi\u2019s personal existence.\u201d A harsh conclusion might be that this book is, above all, about the imaginative license the historian has when confronted with patchy source material.<\/p>\n

It is, however, clear that the experience of the execution deeply informed Levi\u2019s writing and thought. Levi forged his voice in opposition to neat moral distinctions like good and evil, innocence and guilt, justice and injustice, honesty and deceit, strength and weakness, perpetrators and victims, and life and death. For him, these coexist in one and the same person in precarious balance. While he never denied the goodness of human nature, the essential truth of his works\u2014filtered through his experiences of Europe between 1943-1945\u2014is that powerlessness, too, or desperate weakness, manifests itself in the baser part of our natures. What else can the absolutely powerless do when confronted by absolute power?<\/p>\n

In The Drowned and the Saved (1986), his final work on Auschwitz written one year before his suicide, he described those who survived, like he did, as driven by despair to all forms of egoism, violence, insensitivity, and collaboration. Only the \u201cdrowned\u201d, those who never returned, \u201cdid not plumb the depths\u201d of moral compromise: \u201cThe best all died\u201d. This was not to condemn the \u201csaved\u201d, only to recognize that powerlessness served to accelerate the violent and calculating potential within men and women. This, if anything, was the true sign of victimhood\u2014being forced to unlock the darker side of human nature.<\/p>\n

Like the mythical creature the centaur, a symbol of man\u2019s liminal status, humans, Levi believed, live in a state of tormented oscillation between conflicting moral drives, such as virtue and cruelty, truthfulness and deception, courage and cowardice. (Natural Histories also contains a fable called \u201cQuaestio de Centauris,\u201d in which Levi imagined himself as half man, half horse). In conditions of extremity, like a death camp, that oscillation is of course more radical. But it was also a state of being Levi recognized during his time as a partisan, as he put it in the poem \u2018Partigia\u2019 (1981):<\/p>\n

What enemy? Every man\u2019s his own foe,
\nEach one split by his own frontier,
\nLeft hand enemy of the right.
\nStand up, old enemies of yourselves,
\nThis war of ours is never done.<\/p>\n

Luzzatto examines Levi as someone who, after being part of an execution, was aware of being \u201csplit by his own frontier\u201d between wanting to do good on the one hand, and being capable of extreme violence and bloodshed on the other.<\/p>\n

Levi\u2019s brief account of life in the Resistance in The Periodic Table was published in 1975, a moment in Italian history when the Resistance was celebrated with unqualified certainty. To portray it as something less than wholly virtuous\u2014and as something that led to his eventual imprisonment in Auschwitz\u2014was an example of his characteristic honesty. Levi knew better than most that the fight against Nazism was an undeniable good mixed with incidents of profound wrong. No human was entirely free of these ambiguities. For him, categories of good and evil aren\u2019t to be found in extremis, only choices and compromises.<\/p>\n

Primo Levi\u2019s Resistance provides the most in-depth account of the most formative experience of Levi\u2019s outside of Auschwitz, and reveals a side of Levi we\u2019re not used to seeing\u2014a man implicated in a most pointless killing. The significance of The Collected Works is that it gives us a far more eclectic and interesting writer, one who ranged across a vast intellectual terrain that included astronomy, history, linguistics, classical literature, art, current affairs, memory, and religion. Together, the books not only show the formative effect violence as both a partisan and a prisoner had on his writings, as well as the fundamental relationship between violence and powerlessness.<\/p>\n

They also display the basic honesty of Levi\u2019s work: the human condition as one of countless moral shades. Perhaps that is why, away from writing, he loved mountaineering, because of its refreshing certainties. Spared of the complications of human existence, which he celebrated but found so exhausting, rock climbing came down to nothing more than the strength of a piton driven into the mountainside. As he wrote in The Periodic Table: \u201cthe rope holds or it doesn\u2019t\u201d.<\/p>\n

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Levi’s experience as a partisan\u2014and the execution of two teenage boys\u2014showed him humans’ capacity for extreme violence. 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