{"id":4596,"date":"2020-04-05T19:43:24","date_gmt":"2020-04-05T19:43:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/?p=4596"},"modified":"2024-03-12T13:54:32","modified_gmt":"2024-03-12T13:54:32","slug":"segregated-modernity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/primolevicenter.org\/printed-matter\/segregated-modernity\/","title":{"rendered":"Concentrated Modernity"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Complete Lives of Camp People: Colonialism, Fascism, Concentrated Modernity.<\/h3>\n
\nRudolf Mr\u00e1zek<\/a>\r\n\t \t\t
Rudolf Mr\u00e1zek <\/strong>is Emeritus Professor of History at the University of Michigan and the author of several books, including A Certain Age: Colonial Jakarta through the Memories of its Intellectuals, <\/i>and Complete Lives of Camp People: Colonialism, Fascism, Concentrated Modernity, 2020.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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This introduction to the book by the same title published in 2020 by Duke University Press is reproduced here by permission of the author.<\/em><\/p>\n

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In the late 1980s and early 1990s, forty years after the end of World War II and as \u201cthe Communism was finally defeated,\u201d the \u201cHeidegger affair\u201d burst into the European philosophy. Martin Heidegger (1889\u20131976), since the 1920s widely recognized as a major and perhaps the greatest philosopher of the twentieth century, became the subject of a painful and often fratricidal debate. Heidegger\u2019s membership in the Nazi party in Hitler\u2019s time, and some of his pro-Nazi speeches from that time, had long been known. But now, a number of new documents came to light, and this at a moment when the world feverishly searched for a new identity. The \u201cHeidegger question\u201d became urgent as a question why a man at the pinnacle of modern thought kept silent about the camps.<\/p>\n

The French philosopher Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Lyotard in his intervention in the debate assumed a position that I found close to what I tried to do in this book. Lyotard equaled Heidegger\u2019s silence with the spirit of the time\u2014of our time. Instead of writing \u201cthe Jews,\u201d Lyotard wrote \u201cthe jews\u201d with a lower- case \u201cj.\u201d \u201cThe jews,\u201d he wrote, are both \u201cJews and non-Jews.\u201d \u201cThe jews,\u201d in the spirit of the time, are those \u201cexiled from the inside.\u201d1 One becomes \u201ca jew\u201d when his or her being becomes uncomfortable to the spirit of the time, when he or she stands out, uncomfortably to the rest, as \u201ca witness to what cannot be represented.\u201d2<\/p>\n

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Minorities, refugees, misery\u2014\u201cthis servitude to that which remains unfinished\u201d3\u2014are \u201cthe jews.\u201d \u201cThe so-called avant-garde,\u201d Lyotard wrote, is \u201cthe jews\u201d\u2014as long as it stands firm and thus \u201casks unanswerable questions.\u201d Even after they are \u201cexiled from the inside,\u201d \u201cthe jews\u201d as a specter haunt the spirit, and here the reference is clear. Even after exiled, \u201cthe jews\u201d haunt the culture and the civilization from which they had been exiled. \u201cIndeed,\u201d wrote Lyotard, \u201cit is not \u2018by chance\u2019 that \u2018the jews\u2019 have been made the object of the final solution.\u201d4<\/p>\n

Both camps that inspired this book were camps for \u201cthe jews.\u201d Theresienstadt (1942\u201345) was a \u201cghetto\u201d for the Jews with a capital \u201cJ,\u201d in the center of Europe, in the western part of Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia. Boven Digoel (1927\u201343) was an \u201cisolation camp\u201d in the Dutch East Indies, in Southeast Asia, for \u201cthe so-called avant-garde,\u201d the Indonesian rebels who, in late 1926 and early 1927, attempted to overthrow the colonial order. There were non-Jews in Boven Digoel, and many of them were Muslims.<\/p>\n

Neither Theresienstadt nor Boven Digoel was Auschwitz\u2014they were not Auschwitz yet. In Auschwitz, all norms of a civilization as it was known, lived, and believed in for centuries had imploded. Unlike the people in Auschwitz, \u201cthe jews\u201d of Theresienstadt and Boven Digoel were allowed to live, \u201cprivileged until further notice,\u201d in a Potemkin village, a reader might think so\u2014but let him or her imagine!<\/p>\n

Trial and length of imprisonment were not a part of the decision to send people to Boven Digoel and Theresienstadt. The people going to the two camps were never allowed to know the trajectory of their lives from the point of their deportation on. They did not know how and whether their \u201cas yet\u201d might end. In Theresienstadt, much closer, intimately close, to Auschwitz, they, often with the greatest effort, rather would not know. In their not- knowing, the camp people of Boven Digoel and Theresienstadt came closer than any other people in modern history to an awe-inspiring closure of everything\u2014that is to say, in Europe as in Asia, closure of the modern.<\/p>\n

The people driven to both of the camps were educated, urbanized, and \u201cWesternized,\u201d on the whole, high above the level of the society from which they had been exiled. It was indeed because of their being so (uncomfortably) modern that they were exiled. Neither of the two camps was the nuit et brouil- lard [night and fog]. The modernity did not ebb away in the two camps. Rather, the two camps became a space of the modern crushed into sharp pieces.<\/p>\n

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Many of the pieces of the broken modern, which \u201cfor the time being\u201d were left to the people in the camps, had been merely everyday and often negligible parts of the people\u2019s lives before the camps. In the camps, however, under a possibility of the ultimate implosion of everything, the pieces became untimely. Even trifles became potent and, indeed, the Wunderkabinetts of the trivial now determined the camp people\u2019s lives and the camps as operative communities. It now became vital and could become fatal\u2014how one wore a cap, how one held a spoon, and how one played an \u00e9tude by Chopin, or recalled it playing. The trivial always has a high rate of surviving existential and historical changes of modern times. Under the unprecedented pressure of the narrow space and time of the camps, the trivial, and the trivial in particular, was \u201cfrightened\u201d into an unprecedented import and, indeed, beauty. One could hardly call it a resistance. Rather, the camps became a space of a trivial-sublime.5<\/p>\n

There were never more than 2,000 internees in Boven Digoel, while as many as 140,000 internees passed through Theresienstadt. Theresienstadt lasted three and a half years, while Boven Digoel continued for fifteen.<\/p>\n

Boven Digoel was a camp for people interned for their politics. Theresien- stadt was a camp for people interned on the basis of their \u201crace.\u201d Theresienstadt was surrounded by walls. Boven Digoel was a clearing in a jungle, at the end of the world; just one step, the people said, and you will fall out. Theresienstadt was set up in an eighteenth-century rococo town, sixty kilometers from Prague, in the middle of the orchards, a weekend destination before the war, especially when the fruit trees were in blossom.<\/p>\n

Except for their campness, the two camps had barely anything in common. A comparative study would make little sense. However, the fragments of the broken modern disturb the sense of the time, of our time, and should be studied. They made the two cosmically different camps into one sign, one constellation, possibly enlightening and certainly warning.<\/p>\n

Even the story of Hansel and Gretel, and even in the Grimms\u2019 most gruesome first edition, has a happy ending: the witch is punished, father and children sit around the table at home again (the bad mother has died), and everything about the little house in the forest is forgotten. Ludwig Wittgenstein thought that \u201csomething must be taught to us as foundation,\u201d but he immediately added that then \u201cdoubt gradually loses its sense.\u201d6 When the past is bound by representation, the specter of \u201cthe jews\u201d might not haunt us anymore.<\/p>\n

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Unlike on the way to Auschwitz, the people in these two camps were allowed to take \u201cstuff\u201d with them\u2014fifty kilograms to Theresienstadt, and whatever a particular ship captain permitted to Boven Digoel. People could take their comforters to Theresienstadt, and some internees brought sewing machines to Boven Digoel. People packed the familiar, useful, and useless, in the inhuman haste, having no knowledge of what was ahead of them\u2014 under a possibility of the absolute disaster. In the very process of packing, the moment they pushed down the lid of a suitcase, they became camp people as no one in known history before them\u2014\u201cmodern,\u201d in the meaning at the root of the word that comes from the Latin modernus, modo, which translates as \u201cjust now.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThe murder,\u201d Theodor Adorno wrote after the war (by \u201cthe murder\u201d he meant Auschwitz, but he might as well have written \u201cthe auschwitz\u201d with a lowercase \u201ca,\u201d and he might simply write \u201cthe camps\u201d), \u201cthe murder,\u201d he wrote, \u201chas not happened once, sometime ago, . . . it is happening now,\u201d in the time in which we live, \u201cwhere \u2018Immergleiche,\u2019 the \u2018forever same\u2019 endlessly repeats itself.\u201d7 As I wrote, I felt that Adorno was right, except that he stopped in the middle. As the rabbi in Isaac Bashevis Singer\u2019s story says, \u201cAbraham Moshe, it\u2019s worse than you think.\u201d8 I became convinced that, instead of \u201cImmergleiche,\u201d Adorno should write \u201ctrajectory,\u201d or still better, \u201cprogress.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cWhen I start looking at walls,\u201d Samuel Beckett wrote in a letter, \u201cI begin to see the writing. From which even my own is a relief.\u201d9 Every attempt to explain the camps presents an ethical challenge, in the face of which, eventually, a historian has to fail. Writing about the camps can perhaps be justified only when it is \u201cfrightened into existence.\u201d10 The most one can do, to say with Beckett again, is to resist \u201cthe arrogance of pity,\u201d resist subjecting the lives (and deaths) of \u201cthe jews\u201d to \u201cmetaphysical simplification,\u201d resist \u201cdescribing a tree as a bad shadow.\u201d11<\/p>\n

Writing about the camps can be justified only when conceived of as a \u201cfugitive analysis,\u201d12 out of breath, looking over a shoulder. In a moment of panic, one might perhaps get a little close to the camp people and the camp lives that were also (at best) on the run.<\/p>\n

I might have met some \u201csurvivors\u201d of a type Elias Canetti described: \u201cThe moment of survival is the moment of power. . . . The dead man lies on the ground while the survivor stands.\u201d13 If I ever met the type, I did not notice. The survivors I met had unsteady memories and unsteady hands. Naturally. They were all late in their lives when I reached them, and life had not always been nice to them, even after the camps let them go. As we talked, I even felt the topic of my research moving toward that of the aging of memory. I became aware that what I was learning was formed very much by my entering a stage of fogginess myself. \u201cWe see only what looks at us,\u201d Walter Benjamin wrote.14<\/p>\n

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Inevitably, I spent more of my time with the survivors\u2019 children and even grandchildren. It neither was less breathtaking or disturbing nor forced me to look less often over my shoulder. As I listened to them, the camps increasingly were being bound by representation. With an increasing anxiety and skill, the specters were being kept away, sometimes by forgetting, other times by mourning. The \u201c\u00e9tudes by Chopin\u201d were still in the air, \u201cthe jews,\u201d now mostly an immortal community of dead people, were still with us. The camps were still with us, and all around us in fact. In their immensity, and this was new, they sprawled like suburbs: the memory aged in reverse, growing younger, ever more architectural, straight, permitting easy traffic.<\/p>\n

I made an effort to learn about Theresienstadt and Boven Digoel in as much detail as possible. In Prague, Theresienstadt (now again Terez\u00edn), in Jakarta, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, or Boven Digoel, I interviewed as many \u201ccamp people\u201d as I could still find. I consulted the archive of Boven Digoel, now in Jakarta. Nazis managed to burn most of the Theresienstadt archive in the last days of the war. I went through the public libraries and was given access to some family libraries, even etuis of letters and empty envelopes with stamps often cut away for other collections.<\/p>\n

My lifelong career of teaching and writing, mostly on Southeast Asia, as well as my experience of Prague, where I was born and spent forty-five years of my life, appeared in a new perspective as I went on writing about the camps. Always, writers, musicians, and philosophers were precious to me, as I believed they were precious to the civilization in which I lived or wished to live\u2014Franz Kafka, Gustav Mahler, Joseph Roth, Walter Benjamin, Jean Luc Nancy, Pramoedya Ananta Toer, Mas Marco, Tan Malaka. They also appeared to me in a new and unexpected light. They often looked and spoke, and ran, as the camp people did or wished to do\u2014including Heidegger, who became locked in silence by his philosophy as much as his fear.<\/p>\n

In the end, this project turned out to be a history of \u201cconcentrated mo- dernity,\u201d an unprecedented energy and ethos that emerged in the camps, and radiated out of the camps, like the wise rabbi said, changing our world.<\/p>\n

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I feel deep gratitude to three anonymous readers for the press, and to the press editors for their uncommon understanding of, and patience with, the unwieldy manuscript.<\/p>\n

I have tried my ideas of the camps on teachers and students at Michi- gan in Ann Arbor; Northwestern in Evanston; Berkeley in San Francisco; Columbia and New School in New York; Komunitas Utan Kayu [the Jungle Community] in Jakarta; kitlv, The Royal Institute of Anthropology, in Leiden; and Tokyo and Waseda Universities in Japan. If only the book may be as good, as gracious and helpful, as the people at these renowned places have been!<\/p>\n

Nothing with the camps is \u201cmerely technical,\u201d neither naming nor spelling. Theresienstadt was called a \u201cghetto\u201d as often as it was called a \u201cJewish settlement,\u201d a \u201ccamp,\u201d or a \u201cconcentration camp.\u201d \u201cGhetto\u201d in particular was a name forced on the Jews by the Nazis, suggesting the medieval, a place where a still-living Jew might wait until the final solution. The more neutral (kind of) \u201ccamp\u201d is used throughout the book, except where other terms are parts of a direct quote. The Czech-speaking internees called the camp Terez\u00edn, as the town had been called before it became a camp and as it is called today. The internees from the other language regions, however, generally used the German \u201cTheresienstadt,\u201d which was also the camp\u2019s official designation. \u201cTheresienstadt\u201d is used in the book, except when \u201cTerez\u00edn\u201d appears in direct quote.<\/p>\n

In 1972, the Indonesian government decreed a language reform, substituting \u201cu\u201d for \u201coe,\u201d \u201cc\u201d for \u201ctj,\u201d \u201cj\u201d for \u201cdj,\u201d and \u201cy\u201d between vocals for \u201cj.\u201d Like the military, right-wing and oppressive government was unpopular and resisted, so many people, including virtually all the Boven Digoel people, kept their names with their pre-1972 spellings. This is the way their names are spelled in this book, except when the new spelling is used in direct quote. The local names are given in the new spelling for the comfort of current maps users especially.<\/p>\n

Boven Digoel was called a \u201ccamp,\u201d an \u201cisolation camp,\u201d and also a \u201ccon- centration camp,\u201d until about 1940, when the last term was deemed by the Dutch officials to be too discredited. \u201cTanah Merah\u201d was also often used, meaning \u201cred soil,\u201d not \u201cThe Red Land\u201d or even \u201cThe Land of the Reds,\u201d as might seem logical or even natural. \u201cBoven Digoel\u201d is used with few excep- tions in the book, and in the old spelling, as it appears almost universally in documents and memories. \u201cBoven Digoel\u201d is still today the official name of the place where the camp stood.<\/p>\n

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Some of the Theresienstadt people started to use Hebrew names after the experience of the camps: Eva became Chava; Vlasta became Nava; Jindra became Avri. The immensity of this change, like that of the others, could not be adequately conveyed, only respectfully transcribed.<\/p>\n

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Image: Louise Bourgeois, Unfolding Portrait<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Complete Lives of Camp People: Colonialism, Fascism, Concentrated Modernity. 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